April 19, 2014

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Government Shouldn't "Help" Citizens Pick Tough Questions for Obama

A couple of weeks ago, Julian Sanchez at Ars Technica, Ben Smith at Politico and others noted a disturbing pattern on the incoming Obama administration’s Change.gov website: polite but pointed user-submitted questions about the Blagojevich scandal and other potentially uncomfortable topics were being flagged as “inappropriate” by other visitors to the site.

In less than a week, more than a million votes-for-particular-questions were cast. The transition team closed submissions and posted answers to the five most popular questions. The usefulness and interest of these answers was sharply limited: They reiterated some of the key talking points and platform language of Obama’s campaign without providing any new information. The transition site is now hosting a second round of this process.

It shouldn’t surprise us that there are, among the Presdient-elect’s many supporters, some who would rather protect their man from inconvenient questions. And for all the enthusiastic talk about wide-open debate, a crowdsourced system that lets anyone flag an item as inappropriate can give these few a perverse kind of veto over the discussion.

If the site’s operators recognize this kind of deliberative narrowing as a problem, there are ways to deal with it. One could require a consensus judgement of “inappropriateness” by a cross-section of Change.gov users that is large enough, or is diverse with respect to geography, time of visit, amount of past involvement in the site, or any number of other criteria before taking a question out of circulation. Questions that have been preliminarily flagged as inappropriate could enter a secondary moderation queue where their appropriateness can be debated, leading to a considered “up or down” vote on whether a given question belongs in the mix. The Obama transition team could even crowdsource this problem itself, looking for lay input (or input from experts at places like Digg) about how to make sure that reasonable-but-pointed questions stay in, while off topic, off color, or otherwise unacceptable ones remain out.

But what are the incentives of the new administration’s online team? They might well find it convenient, as Julian writes, to “crowdsource a dodge” to inconvenient questions–if the users of Change.gov adopt an expansive view of “inappropriateness,” the Obama team will likely benefit slightly from soft, supportive questions in the near term, though it will run the risk of allowing substantive problems, or citizen concerns, to fester over the longer term. And that tradeoff could hold much more appeal for the median administration staffer than it does for the median American.

In other words, having the administration’s own tech people manage the moderation of questions directed at the President may be like having the fox guard the henhouse. I agree that even this is much more open than recent past administrations, but I think the more interesting question here is what would be ideal.

I suspect this key plank of the new administration’s plans will never be able to be fully realized within government. The President needs to answer questions that a nonzero number of his most enthusiastic supporters are willing to characterize as “inappropriate.” And for that to happen, the online moderation needs to take place outside of .gov. A collective move toward one of the .org alternatives, for this key activity of sifting questions, would be a great first step. That way, the goal of finding tough but honest questions can plausibly sit paramount.

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Researchers Show How to Forge Site Certificates

Today at the Chaos Computing Congress, a group of researchers (Alex Sotirov, Marc Stevens, Jake Appelbaum, Arjen Lenstra, Benne de Weger, and David Molnar) announced that they have found a way to forge website certificates that will be accepted as valid by most browsers. This means that they can successfully impersonate any website, even for secure connections.

Let me unpack that for non-experts.

One of the cornerstones of web security is the use of secure connections. When your browser makes a secure connection to (say) Amazon and gets a page to display, the browser displays in its address bar a URL like “https://www.amazon.com”. The “https” indicates that the secure (https) protocol was used, and the browser also displays a happy blue lock or key icon to tell you the connection was secured.

The browser cooperates with Amazon’s web server to secure the connection via a two-step process. First, the two computers negotiate a shared secret key that they can use to communicate privately, using crypto tricks that I won’t describe here. Second, your browser authenticates Amazon’s web server, that is, it assures itself that the party on the other end of the connection is the genuine Amazon.com server.

Amazon has a digital certificate that it sends to your browser, as part of proving its identity. The certificate is issued by a party called a certification authority or CA. Your browser comes pre-programmed with a list of CAs its trusts; you can change the list but hardly anyone does. If your browser makes an encrypted connection to “amazon.com”, and the party on the other end of the connection owns a certificate for the name “amazon.com”, and that certificate was issued by a CA that your browser trusts, then your browser will conclude that it has a secure connection to amazon.com.

Now we can understand what the researchers accomplished: they showed how to forge a certificate corresponding to any address on the Web. For example, they can forge a certificate that allows themselves, or you, or me, or anybody, to impersonate amazon.com, or freedom-to-tinker.com, or maybe even fbi.gov. That is supposed to be impossible, for obvious reasons.

The forged certificates will say they were issued by a CA called “Equifax Secure Global eBusiness”, which is trusted by the major browsers. The forged certificates will be perfectly valid; but they will have been made by forgers, not by the Equifax CA.

To do this, the researchers exploited a cryptographic weakness in one of the digital signature methods, “MD5 with RSA”, supported by the Equifax CA. The first step in this digital signature method is to compute the hash (strictly speaking, the cryptographic hash) of the certificate contents.

The hash is a short (128-bit) code that is supposed to be a kind of unique digest of the certificate contents. To be secure, the hash method has to have several properties, one of which is that it should be infeasible to find a collision, that is, to find two values A and B which have the same hash.

It was already known how to find collisions in MD5, but the researchers improved the existing collision-finding methods, so that they can now find two values R and F that have the same hash, where R is a “real” certificate that the CA will be willing to sign, and F is a forged certificate. This is deadly, because it means that a digital signature on R will also be a valid signature on F — so the attacker can ask the CA to sign the real certificate R, then copy the resulting signature onto F — putting a valid CA signature onto a certificate that the CA would never voluntarily sign.

To demonstrate this, the researchers created a forged certificate signed by the Equifax CA. For safety, they made the forged certificate expire in the past and point to a harmless site. But it’s clear from their description that they can forge a certificate for any site they want.

Whose fault is this? Partly it’s a consequence of problems with the MD5 hash method. It’s been known for a few years that MD5 is in the process of melting down, so prudent designers have been moving away from MD5, replacing it with newer, better hash methods. Similarly, prudent CAs should not be signing certificates that use MD5-based signature methods; instead they should insist on signature methods involving stronger hashes. The Equifax CA did not follow this precaution.

The problem can be fixed, for now, by having CAs refuse to create new MD5-based signatures. But this is a sobering reminder that the certification process that underlies web site authentication — a mechanism we all rely upon daily — is far from bulletproof.

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Internet voting-a-go-go

Yes, we know that there’s no such thing as a perfect voting system, but the Estonians are doing their best to get as far away from perfection as possible. According to the latest news reports, Estonia is working up a system to vote from mobile phones. This follows on their earlier web-based Internet voting. What on earth are they thinking?

Let’s review some basics. The Estonian Internet voting scheme builds on the Estonian national ID card, which is a smartcard. You get the appropriate PCMCIA adapter and you can stick it into your laptop. Then, through some kind of browser plug-in, it can authenticate you to the voting server. No card, no voter impersonation. The Estonian system “avoids” the problem of voter bribery / coercion by allowing the voter to cast as many votes as they want, but only the last one actually counts. As I understand it, a voter may also arrive, on election day, at some sort of official polling place and substitute a paper ballot for their prior electronic ballot.

The threats to this were and are obvious. What if some kind of malware/virus/worm contraption infects your web browser and/or host operating system, waits for you to connect to the election server, and then quietly substitutes its own choices for yours? You would never know that the attack occurred and thus would never think to do anything about it. High tech. Very effective. And, of course, somebody can still watch over your shoulder while you vote. At that point, they just need to keep you from voting again. They could accomplish this by simply having you vote at the last minute, under supervision, or they could “borrow” your ID card until it’s too late to vote again. Low tech. Still effective.

But wait, there’s more! The central database must necessarily have your vote recorded alongside your name in order to allow subsequent votes to invalidate earlier votes. That means they’ve almost certainly got the technical means to deanonymize your vote. Do you trust your government to have a database that says exactly for whom you voted? Even if the vote contents are somehow encrypted, the government has all the necessary key material to decrypt it. (And, an aforementioned compromised host platform could be leaking this data, regardless.)

Okay, what about voting by cellular telephone? A modern cell phone is really no different from a modern web browser. An iPhone is running more-or-less the same OS X and Safari browser that’s featured on Apple’s Mac products. Even non-smart-phones tend to have an environment that’s powerful and general-purpose. There’s every reason to believe that these platforms are every bit as vulnerable to software attacks as we see with Windows systems. Just because hackers aren’t necessarily targeting these systems doesn’t mean they couldn’t. Ultimately, that means that the vulnerabilities of the phone system are exactly the same as the web system. No better. No worse.

Of course, crypto can be done in a much more sophisticated fashion. One Internet voting system, Helios, is quite sophisticated in this fashion, doing end-to-end crypto in JavaScript in your browser. With its auditability, Helios gives you the chance to challenge the entire client/server process to prove that it maintained your vote’s integrity. There’s nothing, however, in Helios to prevent an evil browser from leaking how you voted, thus compromising your anonymity. An evil election server could possibly be prevented from compromising your anonymity, depending on how the decryption keys are managed, but all the above privacy concerns still apply.

Yes, of course, Internet and cell-phone voting have lots of appeal. Vote from anywhere! At any time! If Estonia did more sophisticated cryptography, they could at least have a hope at getting some integrity guarantees (which they appear to be lacking, at present). Estonians have absolutely no privacy guarantees and thus insufficient protection from bribery and coercion. And we haven’t even scratched the surface of denial-of-service attacks. In 2007, Estonia suffered a large, coordinated denial-or-service attack, allegedly at the hands of Russian attackers. I’m reasonably confident that they’re every bit as vulnerable to such attacks today, and cell-phone voting would be no less difficult for resourceful attackers to disrupt.

In short, if you care about voter privacy, to defeat bribery and coercion, then you want voters to vote in a traditional polling place. If you care about denial of service, then you want these polling places to be operable even if the power goes out. If you don’t care about any of that, then consider the alternative. Publish in the newspaper a list of every voter and how they voted, for all the world to see, and give those voters a week to submit any corrections they might desire. If you were absolutely trying to maximize election integrity, nothing would beat it. Of course, if you feel that publishing such data in the newspaper could cause people to be too scared to vote their true preferences, then maybe you should pay more attention to voter privacy.

(More on this from Eric Rescorla’s Educated Guesswork.)

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The DC Metro and the Invisible Hand

My friend Tom Lee has been pestering the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, the agency that runs the DC area’s public transit system, to publish its schedule data in an open format. That will allow companies like Google to include the information in products like Google Transit. It seems that Google has been negotiating with WMATA for months to get access to the data, and the negotiations recently broke down, depriving DC-area transit users of the opportunity to use Google Transit. Reading between the lines, it appears that the sticking point is that WMATA wants Google to cough up some money for access to the data. It seems that WMATA earns some advertising revenue from its existing website, and it’s afraid that Google will undermine that revenue source.

While as a taxpayer I’m happy to see WMATA worrying about its bottom line, this seems like a pretty misguided decision. For starters, this really isn’t about Google. Google has been lobbying transit agencies around the country to publish data in the Google Transit Feed Specification. Although it may sound proprietary, the GTFS is an open standard. This means that absolutely anyone can download GTFS-formatted data and put it to new uses. Of course, Google has a small head start because they invented the format, but with Google making open-sourced tools available for manipulating GTFS files, the barrier to entry here is pretty small.

WMATA seems to have lost sight of the fact that it is a government agency accountable to the general public, not a profit-making business. It’s laudable that the agency is looking for new revenue sources, but it’s silly to do so in the way that’s contrary to its broader mission. And the amount of money we’re talking about here—DCist says the agency made $68,000 in ad revenue 2007—is truly trivial for an agency with a billion-dollar budget. Scuttling WMATA participation in Google Transit looks especially shortsighted when we consider that making schedule information easier to access would almost certainly bring additional riders (and, therefore, additional revenues) to the system.

Finally, and most importantly, WMATA should remember the point made by my colleagues in their recent paper: the most important uses for public data are often the ones that no one expects at the outset. Google Transit is great, and Metro riders will enjoy immediate benefits from being able to access schedule information using it. But there may be even more valuable uses to which the data could be put. And not everyone with a good idea for using the data will have the resources to negotiate directly with the WMATA for access. This is why it’s crucial that WMATA not only release the data to Google, but to make it freely and widely available to the general public, so that other private parties can get access to it. To its credit, Google has asked WMATA to do just that. WMATA should say yes.

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Security Seals on AVC Advantage Voting Machines are Easily Defeated

On September 2, 2008, I submitted a report to the New Jersey Superior Court, demonstrating that the DRE voting machines used in New Jersey are insecure: it is easy to replace the vote-counting program with one that fraudulently shifts votes from one candidate to another.

In Section 10 of my report, I explained that

  1. There are no security seals on New Jersey’s AVC Advantages
    that prevent removal of the circuit-board cover;

  2. Even if there were security seals, physical security seals are easily defeated and would not significantly increase the security of elections in New Jersey.
  3. And in conclusion, one cannot achieve trustworthy elections solely by trying to ensure that a particular computer program is installed in the voting machine.

In October 2008, the State of New Jersey (and Sequoia Voting Systems) reacted by installing new security seals on the circuit board cover of voting machines in New Jersey. That is, they reacted to point 1 and ignored points 2 and 3.

In December 2008 I submitted to the Court a new report, and a new video, demonstrating how New Jersey’s new security seals can be removed and replaced without leaving evidence of tampering. It took me about 7 minutes the first time I tried it; I estimate it would take less than half that time with practice.

The video available here is now available in a compressed mp4 format, though it still takes a while to load. not well compressed and takes forever to load over the Internet; sometime in the near future I hope to make available a better-compressed video.

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Three Flavors of Net Neutrality

When the Wall Street Journal claimed on Monday that Google was secretly backtracking on its net neutrality position, commentators were properly skeptical. Tim Lee (among others) argued that the Journal misunderstood what net neutrality means, and others pointed out gaps in the Journal’s reasoning — not to mention that the underlying claim about Google’s actions was based on nonpublic documents.

Part of the difficulty in this debate is that “net neutrality” can mean different things to different people. At least three flavors of “net neutrality” are identifiable among the Journal’s critics.

Net Neutrality as End-to-End Design: The first perspective sees neutrality as an engineering principle, akin to the end-to-end principle, saying that the network’s job is to carry the traffic it is paid to carry, and decisions about protocols and priorities should be made by endpoint systems. As Tim Lee puts it, “Network neutrality is a technical principle about the configuration of Internet routers.”

Net Neutrality as Nonexclusionary Business Practices: The second perspective see neutrality as an economic principle, saying that network providers should not offer deals to one content provider unless they offer the same deal to all providers. Larry Lessig takes this position in his initial response to the journal: “The zero discriminatory surcharge rules [which Lessig supports] are just that — rules against discriminatory surcharges — charging Google something different from what a network charges iFilm. The regulation I call for is a ‘MFN’ requirement — that everyone has the right to the rates of the most favored nation.”

Net Neutrality as Content Nondiscrimination: The third perspective sees neutrality as a free speech principle, saying that network providers should not discriminate among messages based on their content. We see less of this in the response to the Journal piece, though there are whiffs of it.

There are surely more perspectives, but these are the three I see most often. Feel free to offer alternatives in the comments.

To be clear, none of this is meant to suggest that critics of the Journal piece are wrong. If Tim says that Google’s plans don’t violate Definition A of net neutrality, and Larry says that those same plans don’t violate Definition B of net neutrality, Tim and Larry may both be right. Indeed, based on what little is known about Google’s plans, they may well be net-neutral under any reasonable definition. Or not, if we fill in differently the details missing from the public reporting.

Which bring me to my biggest disappointment with the Journal story. The Journal said it had documents describing Google’s plans. Instead of writing an actually informative story, saying “Google is planning to do X”, the Journal instead wrote a gotcha story, saying “Google is planning to do some unspecified but embarrassing thing”. The Journal can do first-class reporting, when it wants to. That’s what it should have done here.

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The Journal Misunderstands Content-Delivery Networks

There’s been a lot of buzz today about this Wall Street Journal article that reports on the shifting positions of some of the leading figures of the network neutrality movement. Specifically, it claims that Google, Microsoft, and Yahoo! have abandoned their prior commitment to network neutrality. It also claims that Larry Lessig has “softened” his support for network neutrality, and it implies that because Lessig is an Obama advisor, that Lessig’s changing stance may portend a similar shift in the president-elect views, which would obviously be a big deal.

Unfortunately, the Journal seems to be confused about the contours of the network neutrality debate, and in the process it has mis-described the positions of at least two of the key players in the debate, Google and Lessig. Both were quick to clarify that their views have not changed.

At the heart of the dispute is a question I addressed in my recent Cato paper on network neutrality: do content delivery networks (CDNs) violate network neutrality? A CDN is a group of servers that improve website performance by storing content closer to the end user. The most famous is Akamai, which has servers distributed around the world and which sells its capacity to a wide variety of large website providers. When a user requests content from the website of a company that uses Akamai’s service, the user’s browser may be automatically re-directed to the nearest Akamai server. The result is faster load times for the user and reduced load on the original web server. Does this violate network neutrality? If you’ll forgive me for quoting myself, here’s how I addressed the question in my paper:

To understand how Akamai manages this feat, it’s helpful to know a bit more about what happens under the hood when a user loads a document from the Web. The Web browser must first translate the domain name (e.g., “cato.org”) into a corresponding IP address (72.32.118.3). It does this by querying a special computer called a domain name system (DNS) server. Only after the DNS server replies with the right IP address can the Web browser submit a request for the document. The process for accessing content via Akamai is the same except for one small difference: Akamai has special DNS servers that return the IP addresses of different Akamai Web servers depending on the user’s location and the load on nearby servers. The “intelligence” of Akamai’s network resides in these DNS servers.

Because this is done automatically, it may seem to users like “the network” is engaging in intelligent traffic management. But from a network router’s perspective, a DNS server is just another endpoint. No special modifications are needed to the routers at the core of the Internet to get Akamai to work, and Akamai’s design is certainly consistent with the end-to-end principle.

The success of Akamai has prompted some of the Internet’s largest firms to build CDN-style networks of their own. Google, Microsoft, and Yahoo have already started building networks of large data centers around the country (and the world) to ensure there is always a server close to each end user’s location. The next step is to sign deals to place servers within the networks of individual residential ISPs. This is a win-win-win scenario: customers get even faster response times, and both Google and the residential ISP save money on bandwidth.

The Journal apparently got wind of this arrangement and interpreted it as a violation of network neutrality. But this is a misunderstanding of what network neutrality is and how CDNs work. Network neutrality is a technical principle about the configuration of Internet routers. It’s not about the business decisions of network owners. So if Google signs an agreement with a major ISP to get its content to customers more quickly, that doesn’t necessarily mean that a network neutrality violation has occurred. Rather, we have to look at how the speed-up was accomplished. If, for example, it was accomplished by upgrading the network between the ISP and Google, network neutrality advocates would have no reason to object. In contrast, if the ISP accomplished by re-configuring its routers to route Google’s packets in preference to those from other sources, that would be a violation of network neutrality.

The Journal article had relatively few details about the deal Google is supposedly negotiating with residential ISPs, so it’s hard to say for sure which category it’s in. But what little description the Journal does give us—that the agreement would “place Google servers directly within the network of the service providers”—suggests that the agreement would not violate network neutrality. And indeed, over on its public policy blog, Google denies that its “edge caching” network violates network neutrality and reiterates its support for a neutral Internet. Don’t believe everything you read in the papers.

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Election Transparency Project Finds Ballot-Counting Bug

Yesterday, Kim Zetter at Wired News reported an amazing e-voting story about lost ballots and the public advocates who found them.

Here’s a summary: Humboldt County, California has an innovative program to put on the Internet scanned images of all the optical-scan ballots cast in the county. In the online archive, citizens found 197 ballots that were not included in the official results of the November election. Investigation revealed that the ballots disappeared from the official count due to a programming error in central tabulation software supplied by Premier (formerly known as Diebold), the county’s e-voting vendor.

The details of the programming error are jaw-dropping. Here is Zetter’s deadpan description:

Premier explained that due to a programming problem, the first “deck” or batch of ballots that are counted by the GEMS software sometimes gets randomly deleted if any subsequent deck is intentionally deleted. The GEMS system names the first deck of ballots “deck 0″, with subsequent batches called “deck 1,” “deck 2,” etc. For some reason “deck 0″ is sometimes erased from the system if any other deck is erased. Since it’s common for officials to intentionally erase a deck in the normal counting process if they’ve made an error and want to rescan a deck, the chance that a GEMS system containing this flaw will delete a batch of ballots is pretty high.

The system never provides any indication to election officials when it’s deleting a batch of ballots in this manner. The problem occurs with version 1.18.19 of the GEMS software, though it’s possible that other versions have the problem as well. [County election director Carolyn] Crnich said an official in the California secretary of state’s office told her the problem was still prevalent in version 1.18.22 of Premier’s software and wasn’t fixed until version 1.18.24.

Neither Premier nor the secretary of state’s office, which certifies voting systems for use in the state, has returned calls for comment about this.

After examining Humboldt’s database, Premier determined that the “deck 0″ in Humboldt was deleted at some point in between processing decks 131 and 135, but so far Crnich has been unable to determine what caused the deletion. She said she did at one point abort deck 132, instead of deleting it, when she made a mistake with it, but that occurred before election day, and the “deck 0″ batch of ballots was still in the system on November 23rd, after she’d aborted deck 132. She couldn’t recall deleting any other deck after election night or after the 23rd that might have caused “deck 0″ to disappear in the manner Premier described.

The deletion of “deck 0″ wasn’t the only problem with the GEMS system. As I mentioned previously, the audit log not only didn’t show that “deck 0″ had been deleted, it never showed that the deck existed in the first place.

The system creates a “deck 0″ for each ballot type that is scanned. This means, the system should have three “deck 0″ entries in the log — one for vote-by-mail ballots, one for provisional ballots, and one for regular ballots cast at the precinct. Crnich found that the log did show a “deck 0″ for provisional ballots and precinct-cast ballots but none for vote-by-mail ballots, even though the machine had printed a receipt at the time that an election worker had scanned the ballots into the machine. In fact, the regular audit log provides no record of any files that were deleted, including deck 132, which she intentionally deleted. She said she had to go back to a backup of the log, created before the election, to find any indication that “deck 0″ had ever been created.

I don’t know which is more alarming: that the vendor failed to treat as an emergency a programming error that silently deletes ballots, or that the tabulator’s “audit log” looks more like an after the fact reconstruction of what-must-have-happened rather than a log of what actually did happen.

The good news here is that Humboldt County’s opening of election records to the public paid off, when members of the public found important facts in the records that officials and the vendor had missed. If other jurisdictions opened their records, how many more errors would we find and fix?

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On the future of voting technologies: simplicity vs. sophistication

Yesterday, I testified before a hearing of Colorado’s Election Reform Commission. I made a small plug, at the end of my testimony, for a future generation of electronic voting machines that would use crypto machinery for end-to-end / software independent verification. Normally, the politicos tend to ignore this and focus on the immediately actionable stuff (e.g., current-generation DREs are unacceptably insecure; optical-scan is the best thing presently on the market). Not this time. I got a bunch of questions asking me to explain how a crypto voting system can be verifiable, how you can prove that the machine is behaving properly, and so forth. Pretty amazing. What I realized, however, is that it’s really hard to explain crypto machinery to non-CS people. I did my best, but it was clear from conversations afterward that a few minutes of Q&A did little to give them any confidence that crypto voting machinery really works.

Another of the speakers, Neil McBurnett, was talking about doing variable sampling-rate audits (as a function of how close the tally is). Afterward, he lamented to me, privately, how hard it is to explain basic concepts like what it means for something to be “statistically significant.”

There’s a clear common theme here. How do we explain to the public the basic scientific theories that underly the problems that voting systems face? My written testimony (reused from an earlier hearing in Texas) includes links to papers, and some people will follow up. Others won’t. My big question is whether we have a research challenge to invent progressively simpler systems that still have the right security properties, or whether we have an education challenge to explain that a certain amount of complexity is worthwhile for the good properties that can be achieved. (Uglier question: is it a desirable goal to weaken the security properties in return for greater simplicity? What security properties would you sacrifice?)

Certainly, with our own VoteBox system, which uses a variation on Benaloh‘s voter-initiated ballot challenge mechanism, one of the big open questions is whether real voters, who just want to cast their votes and don’t care about the security mechanisms, will be tripped up by the extra question at the end that’s fundamental to the mechanism. We’re going to need to run human subject tests against these aspects of the machine design, and if they fail in practice, it’s going to be a trip back to the drawing board.

[Sidebar: I'm co-teaching a class on elections with Bob Stein (a political scientist) and Mike Byrne (a psychologist). The students are a mix of Rice undergrads, most of whom aren't computer scientists. I experimentally built a lecture that began by teaching just enough number theory to explain how El Gamal cryptography works and how it allows for homomorphic vote tallying. Then I described how VoteBox uses this mechanism, and wrapped up with an explanation of how to do Benaloh-style challenges. I left out a lot of details, like how you generate large prime numbers, or how you construct NIZK proofs, but I seemed to have the class along with me for the lecture. If I can sell the idea of end-to-end cryptographic mechanisms to undergraduate non-science students, then there may yet be some hope.]

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Watching Google's Gatekeepers

Google’s legal team has extraordinary power to decide which videos can be seen by audiences around the world, according to Jeffrey Rosen’s piece, Google’s Gatekeepers in yesterday’s New York Times magazine. Google, of course, owns YouTube, which gives it the technical ability to block particular videos — though of course so many videos are submitted that it’s impractical to review them all in advance.

Some takedown requests are easy — content that is offensive and illegal (almost) everywhere will come own immediately once a complaint is received and processed. But Rosen focuses on more difficult cases, where a government asks YouTube to take down a video that expresses dissent or is otherwise inconvenient for that government. Sometimes these videos violate local laws, but more often their legal status is murky and in any case the laws in question may be contrary to widely accepted free speech principles.

Rosen worries that too much power to decide what can be seen is being concentrated in the hands of one company. He acknowledges that Google has behaved reasonably so far, but he worries about what might happen in the future.

I understand his point, but it’s hard to see an alternative that would be better in practice. If Google, as the owner of YouTube, is not going to have this power, then the power will have to be given to somebody else. Any nominations? I don’t have any.

What we’re left with, then, is Google making the decisions. But this doesn’t mean all of us are out in the cold, without influence. As consumers of Google’s services, we have a certain amount of leverage. And this is not just hypothetical — Google’s “don’t be evil” reputation contributes greatly to the value of its brand. The moment people think Google is misbehaving is the moment they’ll consider taking their business elsewhere.

As concerned members of the public — concerned customers, from Google’s viewpoint — there are things we can do to help keep Google honest. First, we can insist on transparency, that Google reveal what it is blocking and why. Rosen describes some transparency mechanisms that are in place, such as Google’s use of the Chilling Effects website.

Second, when we use Google’s services, we can try to minimize our switching costs, so that moving to an alternative service is a realistic possibility. The less we’re locked in to Google’s service, the less we’ll feel forced to keep using those services even if the company’s behavior changes. And of course we should think carefully about switching costs in all our technology decisions, even when larger policy issues aren’t at stake.

Finally, we can make sure that Google knows we care about free speech, and about its corporate behavior generally. This means criticizing them when they slip up, and praising them when they do well. Most of all, it means debating their decisions — which Rosen’s article helpfully invites us to do.