December 5, 2024

AOL, Yahoo Challenge Email Neutrality

AOL and Yahoo will soon start using Goodmail, a system that lets bulk email senders bypass the companies’ spam filters by paying the companies one-fourth of a cent per message, and promising not to send unsolicited messages, according to a New York Times story by Saul Hansell.

Pay-to-send systems are one standard response to spam. The idea is that raising the cost of sending a message will deter the kind of shot-in-the-dark spamming that sends a pitch to everybody in the hope that somebody, somewhere, will respond. The price should be high enough to deter spamming but low enough that legitimate email won’t be deterred. Or so the theory goes.

What’s different here is that senders aren’t paying for delivery, but for an exemption from the email providers’ spam filters. As Eric Rescorla notes, this system creates interesting incentives for the providers. For instance, the providers will have an incentive to make their spam filters overly stringent – so that legitimate messages will be misclassified as spam, and senders will be more likely to pay for an exemption from the filters.

There’s an interesting similarity here to the network neutrality debate. Net neutrality advocates worry that residential ISPs will discriminate against some network traffic so that they can charge web sites and services a fee in exchange for not discriminating against their traffic. In the email case, the worry is that email providers will discriminate against commercial email, so that they can charge email senders a fee in exchange for not discriminating against their messages.

Is this really the same policy problem? If you advocate neutrality regulations on ISPs, does consistency require you to advocate neutrality regulations on email providers? Considering these questions may shed a little light on both issues.

My tentative reaction to the email case is that this may or may not be a smart move by AOL and Yahoo, but they ought to be free to try it. If customers get fewer of the commercial email messages they want (and don’t get enough reduction in spam to make up for it), they’ll be less happy with AOL and Yahoo, and some will take their business elsewhere. The key point, I think, is that customers have realistic alternatives they can switch to. Competition will protect them.

(You may object that switching email providers is costly for a customer who has been using an aol.com or yahoo.com email address – if he switches email providers, his old email address might not work any more. True enough, but a rational email provider will already be exploiting this lock-in, perhaps by charging the customer a slightly higher fee than he would pay elsewhere.)

Competition is a key issue – perhaps the most important one – in the net neutrality debate too. If commercial ISPs face real competition, so that users have realistic alternatives to an ISP who misbehaves, then ISPs will have to heed their customers’ demand for neutral access to sites and services. But if ISPs have monopoly power, their incentives may drive them to behave badly.

To me, the net neutrality issue hinges largely on whether the residential ISP market will be competitive. I can’t make a clear prediction, but I know that there are people who probably can. I’d love to hear what they have to say.

What does seem clear is that regulatory policy can help or hinder the emergence of competition. Enabling competition should be a primary goal of our future telecom regulation.

Who'll Stop the Spam-Bots?

The FTC has initiated Operation Spam Zombies, a program that asks ISPs to work harder to detect and isolate spam-bots on their customers’ computers. Randy Picker has a good discussion of this.

A bot is a malicious, long-lived software agent that sits on a computer and carries out commands at the behest of a remote badguy. (Bots are sometimes called zombies. This makes for more colorful headlines, but the cognoscenti prefer “bot”.) Bots are surprisingly common; perhaps 1% of computers on the Internet are infected by bots.

Like any successful parasite, a bot tries to limit its impact on its host. A bot that uses too many resources, or that too obviously destabilizes its host system, is more likely to be detected and eradicated by the user. So a clever bot tries to be unobtrusive.

One of the main uses of bots is for sending spam. Bot-initiated spam comes from ordinary users’ machines, with only a modest volume coming from each machine; so it is difficult to stop. Nowadays the majority of spam probably comes from bots.

Spam-bots exhibit the classic economic externality of Internet security. A bot on your machine doesn’t bother you much. It mostly harms other people, most of whom you don’t know; so you lack a sufficient incentive to find and remove bots on your system.

What the FTC hopes is that ISPs will be willing to do what users aren’t. The FTC is urging ISPs to monitor their networks for telltale spam-bot activity, and then to take action, up to and including quarantining infected machines (i.e., cutting off or reducing their network connectivity).

It would be good if ISPs did more about the spam-bot problem. But unfortunately, the same externality applies to ISPs as to users. If an ISP’s customer hosts a spam-bot, most the spam sent by the bot goes to other ISPs, so the harm from that spam-bot falls mostly on others. ISPs will have an insufficient incentive to fight bots, just as users do.

A really clever spam-bot could make this externality worse, by making sure not to direct any spam to the local ISP. That would reduce the local ISP’s incentive to stop the bot to almost zero. Indeed, it would give the ISP a disincentive to remove the bot, since removing the bot would lower costs for the ISP’s competitors, leading to tougher price competition and lower profits for the ISP.

That said, there is some hope for ISP-based steps against bot-spam. There aren’t too many big ISPs, so they may be able to agree to take steps against bot-spam. And voluntary steps may help to stave off unpleasant government regulation, which is also in the interest of the big ISPs.

There are interesting technical issues here too. If ISPs start monitoring aggressively for bots, the bots will get stealthier, kicking off an interesting arms race. But that’s a topic for another day.

Michigan Email Registry as a Tax on Bulk Emailers

I wrote on Friday about the new registry of kids’ email addresses being set up by the state of Michigan. I wasn’t impressed. A commenter pointed out an important fact I missed: emailers have to pay a fee of $0.007 to screen each address against the list.

(One of the occupational hazards of blogging is the risk of posting without meticulous research. Fortunately such oversights can be corrected, as I’m doing here. My apologies to readers who were temporarily misled.)

I still worry that the list will leak information about kids’ email addresses to emailers. The fee will raise the cost of fishing expeditions designed to guess which addresses are on the list, to the point where it probably won’t be worthwhile for an emailer to launch blind guessing attacks. But emailers will still learn the status of addresses that are already on their lists.

The main effect of the fee is to turn the whole program into a tax on bulk emailing. The tax operates even if only a few kids’ addresses are registered, so parents worried about leaking their kids’ addresses can safely decline to register them. So let’s look at this as a tax scheme rather than a child protection program.

It’s an oddly structured tax, charging a bulk emailer $0.007 for each email address he mails to within a thirty-day period. (Emailers must re-check their lists every thirty days to avoid a violation.) And it only applies to bulk emailers who promote products that kids aren’t allowed to own. That includes some products whose promotion the state is particularly eager to control (e.g., drugs and gambling) as well as some products that are innocuous but inappropriate for kids (e.g., vehicles).

Why isn’t this structured simply as a tax on bulk email? We’d have to ask a free speech lawyer to be sure, but I wonder whether a tax on speech, and especially a tax that applies only to some kinds of speech, would be constitutionally suspect. Connecting it to the state interest in protecting kids from harmful commercial speech may provide some cover. (I could be off base here. If so, I’m sure commenters will set me straight.)

The tax seems unlikely to generate much revenue for the state. Including administrative costs, it may cost the state money. Presumably the goal is to change emailers’ incentives.

The incentive effect on outlaw spammers will be zero. They’ll just ignore this law, and add it to the list of laws they are already violating.

Gray hat spammers, who operate aboveboard and call themselves legitimate businesspeople, will see their costs increase. The tax will impose a fixed cost per address on their list, but independent of the number of messages sent to that address within a month. Adding to fixed costs will tend to cause consolidation in the gray hat spammer business – if two spammers share a list, they’ll only have to pay the tax once. It’s getting harder and harder to be a gray hat spammer already; this will only squeeze the gray hats further.

With the tax angle added, the Michigan program might turn out to be good policy. But I still wouldn’t register my own kid.

Michigan Debuts Counterproductive Do-Not-Spam List for Kids

The state of Michigan has a new registry of kids’ email addresses in the state. Parents can put their kids’ addresses on the list. It’s illegal to send to addresses on the list any email solicitations for products that kids aren’t allowed to buy (alcohol, guns, gambling, vehicles, etc.). The site has been accepting registrations since July 1, and emailers must comply starting August 1.

This is a kids’ version of the Do-Not-Email list that the Federal Trade Commission considered last year. The FTC decided, wisely, not to proceed with its list. (Disclosure: I worked with the FTC as a consultant on this issue.) What bothered the FTC (and should have bothered Michigan) about this issue is the possibility that unscrupulous emailers will use the list as a source of addresses to target with spam. In the worst case, signing up for the list could make your spam problem worse, not better.

The Michigan system doesn’t just give the list to emailers – that would be a disaster – but instead provides a service that allows emailers to upload their mailing lists to a state-run server that sends the list back after removing any registered addresses. (Emailers who are sufficiently trusted by the state can apparently get a list of hashed addresses, allowing them to scrub their own lists.)

The problem is that an emailer can compare his initial list against the scrubbed version. Any address that is on the former but not the latter must be the address of a registered kid. By this trick the emailer can build a list of kids’ email addresses. The state may outlaw this, but it seems hard to stop it from happening, especially because the state appears to require emailers everywhere in the world to scrub their lists.

If I lived in Michigan, I wouldn’t register my kid’s address.

UPDATE (July 13): A commenter points out that the Michigan program imposes a charge of $0.007 per address on emailers. I missed this fact originally, and it changes the analysis significantly. See my later post for details.

Spam Kings: Mini-Review

I just finished reading Brian McWilliams’ new book Spam Kings. It’s an entertaining read that offers an interesting, nontechnical peek at some of the personalities behind the spam wars.

The book’s central figure is Davis Hawke, an amoral character responsible for most of the spam promoting male anatomical enhancement products. (The only thing that these products have reliably expanded is Hawke’s cash flow.) Hawke turned to spamming after the failure of his first career as a neo-Nazi leader, and he displays all of the class and moral judgment that one would expect given this background. His (financial) success as a spammer is due to his gift for writing persuasively sleazy ad copy, his persistence, and his willingness to do anything to make a buck. One almost wonders whether such a character could really exist outside of detective fiction; but apparently he does.

The anti-spammers, while somewhat more conventional in personality (but then again, who isn’t) also make interesting character studies. Some are system administrators whose jobs are complicated by spam, but many are like Susan Gunn (a.k.a. Shiksaa), an ordinary netizen who transformed her anger at spammers into a crusade to unmask and frustrate them.

When these personalities collide, the result is a kind of online trench warfare, involving technology, old-fashioned detective work, lawsuits, and occasional threats and intimidation. The spammers are far from unified, double-crossing each other like Elmore Leonard villains. The anti-spammers are at most a loosely organized coalition. Both sides are plagued by leaks and defections. The anti-spammers occasionally break the law; the spammers routinely hide in the quasi-legal murk.

When things heat up, a veteran anti-spammer asks an insightful question: Are we fighting against the spammers, or fighting against spam? Sometimes it does seem that the whole exercise has turned into an elaborate capture-the-flag game between the two communities. Yet despite the occasional excess, one ends up admiring the determination of the anti-spammers, and happy about the results they have achieved. Even as spam multiplies, the life of a spammer is not a happy or comfortable one.

(O’Reilly, the book’s publisher, sent me a free copy of the book. Thanks! Hint to other publishers: I’m more likely to read and review your books if you do this too.)