October 13, 2024

The DC Metro and the Invisible Hand

My friend Tom Lee has been pestering the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, the agency that runs the DC area’s public transit system, to publish its schedule data in an open format. That will allow companies like Google to include the information in products like Google Transit. It seems that Google has been negotiating with WMATA for months to get access to the data, and the negotiations recently broke down, depriving DC-area transit users of the opportunity to use Google Transit. Reading between the lines, it appears that the sticking point is that WMATA wants Google to cough up some money for access to the data. It seems that WMATA earns some advertising revenue from its existing website, and it’s afraid that Google will undermine that revenue source.

While as a taxpayer I’m happy to see WMATA worrying about its bottom line, this seems like a pretty misguided decision. For starters, this really isn’t about Google. Google has been lobbying transit agencies around the country to publish data in the Google Transit Feed Specification. Although it may sound proprietary, the GTFS is an open standard. This means that absolutely anyone can download GTFS-formatted data and put it to new uses. Of course, Google has a small head start because they invented the format, but with Google making open-sourced tools available for manipulating GTFS files, the barrier to entry here is pretty small.

WMATA seems to have lost sight of the fact that it is a government agency accountable to the general public, not a profit-making business. It’s laudable that the agency is looking for new revenue sources, but it’s silly to do so in the way that’s contrary to its broader mission. And the amount of money we’re talking about here—DCist says the agency made $68,000 in ad revenue 2007—is truly trivial for an agency with a billion-dollar budget. Scuttling WMATA participation in Google Transit looks especially shortsighted when we consider that making schedule information easier to access would almost certainly bring additional riders (and, therefore, additional revenues) to the system.

Finally, and most importantly, WMATA should remember the point made by my colleagues in their recent paper: the most important uses for public data are often the ones that no one expects at the outset. Google Transit is great, and Metro riders will enjoy immediate benefits from being able to access schedule information using it. But there may be even more valuable uses to which the data could be put. And not everyone with a good idea for using the data will have the resources to negotiate directly with the WMATA for access. This is why it’s crucial that WMATA not only release the data to Google, but to make it freely and widely available to the general public, so that other private parties can get access to it. To its credit, Google has asked WMATA to do just that. WMATA should say yes.

Security Seals on AVC Advantage Voting Machines are Easily Defeated

On September 2, 2008, I submitted a report to the New Jersey Superior Court, demonstrating that the DRE voting machines used in New Jersey are insecure: it is easy to replace the vote-counting program with one that fraudulently shifts votes from one candidate to another.

In Section 10 of my report, I explained that

  1. There are no security seals on New Jersey’s AVC Advantages
    that prevent removal of the circuit-board cover;

  2. Even if there were security seals, physical security seals are easily defeated and would not significantly increase the security of elections in New Jersey.
  3. And in conclusion, one cannot achieve trustworthy elections solely by trying to ensure that a particular computer program is installed in the voting machine.

In October 2008, the State of New Jersey (and Sequoia Voting Systems) reacted by installing new security seals on the circuit board cover of voting machines in New Jersey. That is, they reacted to point 1 and ignored points 2 and 3.

In December 2008 I submitted to the Court a new report, and a new video, demonstrating how New Jersey’s new security seals can be removed and replaced without leaving evidence of tampering. It took me about 7 minutes the first time I tried it; I estimate it would take less than half that time with practice.

The video available here is now available in a compressed mp4 format, though it still takes a while to load. not well compressed and takes forever to load over the Internet; sometime in the near future I hope to make available a better-compressed video.

Three Flavors of Net Neutrality

When the Wall Street Journal claimed on Monday that Google was secretly backtracking on its net neutrality position, commentators were properly skeptical. Tim Lee (among others) argued that the Journal misunderstood what net neutrality means, and others pointed out gaps in the Journal’s reasoning — not to mention that the underlying claim about Google’s actions was based on nonpublic documents.

Part of the difficulty in this debate is that “net neutrality” can mean different things to different people. At least three flavors of “net neutrality” are identifiable among the Journal’s critics.

Net Neutrality as End-to-End Design: The first perspective sees neutrality as an engineering principle, akin to the end-to-end principle, saying that the network’s job is to carry the traffic it is paid to carry, and decisions about protocols and priorities should be made by endpoint systems. As Tim Lee puts it, “Network neutrality is a technical principle about the configuration of Internet routers.”

Net Neutrality as Nonexclusionary Business Practices: The second perspective see neutrality as an economic principle, saying that network providers should not offer deals to one content provider unless they offer the same deal to all providers. Larry Lessig takes this position in his initial response to the journal: “The zero discriminatory surcharge rules [which Lessig supports] are just that — rules against discriminatory surcharges — charging Google something different from what a network charges iFilm. The regulation I call for is a ‘MFN’ requirement — that everyone has the right to the rates of the most favored nation.”

Net Neutrality as Content Nondiscrimination: The third perspective sees neutrality as a free speech principle, saying that network providers should not discriminate among messages based on their content. We see less of this in the response to the Journal piece, though there are whiffs of it.

There are surely more perspectives, but these are the three I see most often. Feel free to offer alternatives in the comments.

To be clear, none of this is meant to suggest that critics of the Journal piece are wrong. If Tim says that Google’s plans don’t violate Definition A of net neutrality, and Larry says that those same plans don’t violate Definition B of net neutrality, Tim and Larry may both be right. Indeed, based on what little is known about Google’s plans, they may well be net-neutral under any reasonable definition. Or not, if we fill in differently the details missing from the public reporting.

Which bring me to my biggest disappointment with the Journal story. The Journal said it had documents describing Google’s plans. Instead of writing an actually informative story, saying “Google is planning to do X”, the Journal instead wrote a gotcha story, saying “Google is planning to do some unspecified but embarrassing thing”. The Journal can do first-class reporting, when it wants to. That’s what it should have done here.

The Journal Misunderstands Content-Delivery Networks

There’s been a lot of buzz today about this Wall Street Journal article that reports on the shifting positions of some of the leading figures of the network neutrality movement. Specifically, it claims that Google, Microsoft, and Yahoo! have abandoned their prior commitment to network neutrality. It also claims that Larry Lessig has “softened” his support for network neutrality, and it implies that because Lessig is an Obama advisor, that Lessig’s changing stance may portend a similar shift in the president-elect views, which would obviously be a big deal.

Unfortunately, the Journal seems to be confused about the contours of the network neutrality debate, and in the process it has mis-described the positions of at least two of the key players in the debate, Google and Lessig. Both were quick to clarify that their views have not changed.

At the heart of the dispute is a question I addressed in my recent Cato paper on network neutrality: do content delivery networks (CDNs) violate network neutrality? A CDN is a group of servers that improve website performance by storing content closer to the end user. The most famous is Akamai, which has servers distributed around the world and which sells its capacity to a wide variety of large website providers. When a user requests content from the website of a company that uses Akamai’s service, the user’s browser may be automatically re-directed to the nearest Akamai server. The result is faster load times for the user and reduced load on the original web server. Does this violate network neutrality? If you’ll forgive me for quoting myself, here’s how I addressed the question in my paper:

To understand how Akamai manages this feat, it’s helpful to know a bit more about what happens under the hood when a user loads a document from the Web. The Web browser must first translate the domain name (e.g., “cato.org”) into a corresponding IP address (72.32.118.3). It does this by querying a special computer called a domain name system (DNS) server. Only after the DNS server replies with the right IP address can the Web browser submit a request for the document. The process for accessing content via Akamai is the same except for one small difference: Akamai has special DNS servers that return the IP addresses of different Akamai Web servers depending on the user’s location and the load on nearby servers. The “intelligence” of Akamai’s network resides in these DNS servers.

Because this is done automatically, it may seem to users like “the network” is engaging in intelligent traffic management. But from a network router’s perspective, a DNS server is just another endpoint. No special modifications are needed to the routers at the core of the Internet to get Akamai to work, and Akamai’s design is certainly consistent with the end-to-end principle.

The success of Akamai has prompted some of the Internet’s largest firms to build CDN-style networks of their own. Google, Microsoft, and Yahoo have already started building networks of large data centers around the country (and the world) to ensure there is always a server close to each end user’s location. The next step is to sign deals to place servers within the networks of individual residential ISPs. This is a win-win-win scenario: customers get even faster response times, and both Google and the residential ISP save money on bandwidth.

The Journal apparently got wind of this arrangement and interpreted it as a violation of network neutrality. But this is a misunderstanding of what network neutrality is and how CDNs work. Network neutrality is a technical principle about the configuration of Internet routers. It’s not about the business decisions of network owners. So if Google signs an agreement with a major ISP to get its content to customers more quickly, that doesn’t necessarily mean that a network neutrality violation has occurred. Rather, we have to look at how the speed-up was accomplished. If, for example, it was accomplished by upgrading the network between the ISP and Google, network neutrality advocates would have no reason to object. In contrast, if the ISP accomplished by re-configuring its routers to route Google’s packets in preference to those from other sources, that would be a violation of network neutrality.

The Journal article had relatively few details about the deal Google is supposedly negotiating with residential ISPs, so it’s hard to say for sure which category it’s in. But what little description the Journal does give us—that the agreement would “place Google servers directly within the network of the service providers”—suggests that the agreement would not violate network neutrality. And indeed, over on its public policy blog, Google denies that its “edge caching” network violates network neutrality and reiterates its support for a neutral Internet. Don’t believe everything you read in the papers.

Election Transparency Project Finds Ballot-Counting Bug

Yesterday, Kim Zetter at Wired News reported an amazing e-voting story about lost ballots and the public advocates who found them.

Here’s a summary: Humboldt County, California has an innovative program to put on the Internet scanned images of all the optical-scan ballots cast in the county. In the online archive, citizens found 197 ballots that were not included in the official results of the November election. Investigation revealed that the ballots disappeared from the official count due to a programming error in central tabulation software supplied by Premier (formerly known as Diebold), the county’s e-voting vendor.

The details of the programming error are jaw-dropping. Here is Zetter’s deadpan description:

Premier explained that due to a programming problem, the first “deck” or batch of ballots that are counted by the GEMS software sometimes gets randomly deleted if any subsequent deck is intentionally deleted. The GEMS system names the first deck of ballots “deck 0”, with subsequent batches called “deck 1,” “deck 2,” etc. For some reason “deck 0” is sometimes erased from the system if any other deck is erased. Since it’s common for officials to intentionally erase a deck in the normal counting process if they’ve made an error and want to rescan a deck, the chance that a GEMS system containing this flaw will delete a batch of ballots is pretty high.

The system never provides any indication to election officials when it’s deleting a batch of ballots in this manner. The problem occurs with version 1.18.19 of the GEMS software, though it’s possible that other versions have the problem as well. [County election director Carolyn] Crnich said an official in the California secretary of state’s office told her the problem was still prevalent in version 1.18.22 of Premier’s software and wasn’t fixed until version 1.18.24.

Neither Premier nor the secretary of state’s office, which certifies voting systems for use in the state, has returned calls for comment about this.

After examining Humboldt’s database, Premier determined that the “deck 0” in Humboldt was deleted at some point in between processing decks 131 and 135, but so far Crnich has been unable to determine what caused the deletion. She said she did at one point abort deck 132, instead of deleting it, when she made a mistake with it, but that occurred before election day, and the “deck 0” batch of ballots was still in the system on November 23rd, after she’d aborted deck 132. She couldn’t recall deleting any other deck after election night or after the 23rd that might have caused “deck 0” to disappear in the manner Premier described.

The deletion of “deck 0” wasn’t the only problem with the GEMS system. As I mentioned previously, the audit log not only didn’t show that “deck 0” had been deleted, it never showed that the deck existed in the first place.

The system creates a “deck 0” for each ballot type that is scanned. This means, the system should have three “deck 0” entries in the log — one for vote-by-mail ballots, one for provisional ballots, and one for regular ballots cast at the precinct. Crnich found that the log did show a “deck 0” for provisional ballots and precinct-cast ballots but none for vote-by-mail ballots, even though the machine had printed a receipt at the time that an election worker had scanned the ballots into the machine. In fact, the regular audit log provides no record of any files that were deleted, including deck 132, which she intentionally deleted. She said she had to go back to a backup of the log, created before the election, to find any indication that “deck 0” had ever been created.

I don’t know which is more alarming: that the vendor failed to treat as an emergency a programming error that silently deletes ballots, or that the tabulator’s “audit log” looks more like an after the fact reconstruction of what-must-have-happened rather than a log of what actually did happen.

The good news here is that Humboldt County’s opening of election records to the public paid off, when members of the public found important facts in the records that officials and the vendor had missed. If other jurisdictions opened their records, how many more errors would we find and fix?