April 29, 2024

California Study: Voting Machines Vulnerable; Worse to Come?

A major study of three e-voting systems, commissioned by the California Secretary of State’s office, reported Friday that all three had multiple serious vulnerabilities.

The study examined systems from Diebold, Hart InterCivic, and Sequoia; each system included a touch-screen machine, an optical-scan machine, and the associated backend control and tabulation machine. Each system was studied by three teams: a “red team” did a hands-on study of the machines, a “source code team” examined the software source code for the system, and a “documentation team” examined documents associated with the system and its certification. (An additional team studied the accessibility of the three systems – an important topic but beyond the scope of this post.)

(I did not participate in the study. An early press release from the state listed me as a participant but that was premature. I ultimately had to withdraw before the study began, due to a scheduling issue.)

So far only the red team (and accessibility) reports have been released, which makes one wonder what is in the remaining reports. Here are the reports so far:

The bottom-line paragraph from the red team overview says this (section 6.4):

The red teams demonstrated that the security mechanisms provided for all systems analyzed were inadequate to ensure accuracy and integrity of the election results and of the systems that provide those results.

The red teams all reported having inadequate time to fully plumb the systems’ vulnerabilities (section 4.0):

The short time allocated to this study has several implications. The key one is that the results presented in this study should be seen as a “lower bound”; all team members felt that they lacked sufficient time to conduct a thorough examination, and consequently may have missed other serious vulnerabilities. In particular, Abbott’s team [which studied the Diebold and Hart systems] reported that it believed it was close to finding several other problems, but stopped in order to prepare and deliver the required reports on time. These unexplored avenues are presented in the reports, so that others may pursue them. Vigna’s and Kemmerer’s team [which studied the Sequoia system] also reported that they were confident further testing would reveal additional security issues.

Despite the limited time, the teams found ways to breach the physical security of all three systems using only “ordinary objects” (presumably paper clips, coins, pencil erasers, and the like); they found ways to modify or overwrite the basic control software in all three voting machines; and they were able to penetrate the backend tabulator system and manipulate election records.

The source code and documentation studies have not yet been released. To my knowledge, the state has not given a reason for the delay in releasing these reports.

The California Secretary of State reportedly has until Friday to decide whether to allow these systems to be used in the state’s February 2008 primary election.

[UPDATE: A public hearing on the study is being webcast live at 10:00 AM Pacific today.]

Inside Clouseau's Brain: Dissecting SafeMedia's Outlandish Technical Claims

I wrote in April about the over-the-top marketing claims of the “anti-piracy” company SafeMedia. (See Is SafeMedia a Parody?) The company’s marketing materials claim that its comically named product, “Clouseau,” can do what is provably impossible. Having both a professional and personal interest in how such claims come to be made, I wanted to learn more about how Clouseau actually worked. But the company, unsurprisingly, did not provide that information.

Now we have two more clues. First, SafeMedia founder Safwat Fahmy was actually invited to testify before a congressional hearing, where he provided written testimony. Second, I got hold of a white paper that SafeMedia salespeople are giving to prospective customers. Both documents give some technical information about Clouseau.

[CORRECTION (June 26): Mr. Fahmy was not actually invited to testify, and he did not appear before the committee, according to the committee’s own web site about the hearing. All he did was submit written testimony, which absolutely anyone is allowed to do. I was misled by a SafeMedia press release. I should have known better than to rely on those guys.]

The documents contradict each other in several ways. For example, Mr. Fahmy’s testimony says that Clouseau “detects and prohibits illegal P2P traffic while allowing the passage of legal P2P such as BitTorrent” (page 5). But the white paper says that BitTorrent is illegal and was blocked every time by Clouseau in their tests (page 6 and Appendix A).

Similarly, the white paper says, “In a series of tests conducted by us, Clouseau did not block any normal packets including web HTTP(S) and VPN (ipSec and PPTP).” (page 5) (HTTPS and VPN protocols are standard ways of using encryption to hide the content of communications.) But Mr. Fahmy’s congressional testimony says that “Clouseau is fully effective at forensically discriminating between legal and illegal P2P traffic with no false positives … whether encrypted or not” (page 7) which implies that it must block some HTTPS and VPN traffic.

One thing the documents seem to agree on is that Clouseau operates by trying to detect and block certain protocols, rather than looking at the material being transmitted. That is, it doesn’t look for infringing content but instead declares certain protocols to be illegitimate and then tries to block them. Which is a problematic design because many protocols are used for both infringing and noninfringing purposes. Some protocols, like BitTorrent see lots of noninfringing use and lots of infringing use. So Clouseau will get many cases wrong, whether it blocks BitTorrent or not – a problem the company apparently gets around by claiming to block BitTorrent and claiming not to block it.

How does the company square its protocol-blocking design with its claim to block illegal content with complete accuracy? Apparently they just redefine the term “illegal” to be co-extensive with the set of things their product blocks. In other words, the company’s legal claims seem to be just as implausible as its technical claims.

[UPDATE (Oct. 5, 2007): I hear rumors that SafeMedia is telling people that they offered me or my group access to a Clouseau device to study, but we refused. For the record, this is false.]

My Supplemental E-Voting Testimony

Today I submitted supplemental written testimony, adding to my previous testimony from last week’s e-voting hearing before the House Administration Committee, Subcommittee on Elections. Today’s supplemental testimony is short, so I’ll just include it here. (The formatted version is available too.)

Thank you for the opportunity to submit this supplemental written testimony.

Some people have suggested that it might be possible to use an electronic verification system instead of the voter-verified paper ballot required by H.R. 811. For example, the verification system might be an electronic recording device developed separately from the voting machine. Congressman Ehlers mentioned this possibility during the hearing.

The idea behind such proposals is to use redundancy as a safeguard against fraud or malfunction, in the hope that a failure in one system will be redeemed by the correct behavior of the other.

Redundancy works best when the redundant systems fail independently. If System A fails whenever System B fails, then using A and B redundantly provides no benefit at all. On the other hand, if A always works perfectly when B fails, then redundancy can eliminate error entirely. Neither of these extreme cases will hold in practice. Instead we expect to see some correlation between failures of A and failures of B. Our goal is to minimize this correlation.

One way to avoid correlated failures is to make the two systems as different as possible. Common sense says that similar systems will tend to fail in similar ways and at similar times – exactly the kind of correlated failures that we want to avoid. Experience bears this out, which is why we generally want redundant systems to be as diverse as possible.

The desire for diversity is a strong argument for keeping a paper record alongside the electronic record of a voter’s ballot. Paper-plus-electronic redundancy offers much better diversity than electronic-plus-electronic redundancy would. Indeed, if we analyze the failure modes of electronic and paper systems, we see that they tend to fail in very different ways. To give just one example, in a well-designed paper ballot system the main risk of tampering is after the election, whereas in a well-designed electronic ballot system the main risk of tampering is before the election . A well-designed electronic-plus-paper system can in principle be more resistant to tampering than any system that uses either electronics or paper alone, because the paper component can resist pre-election tampering and the electronic component can resist post-election tampering.

[Footnote: In a well-designed paper system, the main tampering risk is that somebody will access the ballot box after the election and replace the real paper ballots with fraudulent ones. In a well-designed electronic system, the main tampering risk is that somebody will modify the system’s software before the election. Unfortunately, most if not all of today’s electronic voting systems are not “well-designed” in this sense – they are at significant risk of post-election tampering because they fail to use (or they use improperly) the advanced cryptographic methods that could greatly reduce the risk of post-election tampering.]

Another reason to be suspicious of electronic-plus-electronic redundancy is that claims of redundancy are often made for systems that are not at all independent. For example, most vendors of today’s paperless DRE voting machines claim to keep redundant electronic records of each ballot. In fact, what most of them do is keep two copies, in identical or similar memory chips, located in the same computer and controlled by a single software program. This is clearly inadequate, because the two copies lack diversity and will tend to fail at the same time.

Even assuming that other electronic-plus-electronic redundant systems can be suitably reliable and secure, we would need to trust that the certification process could tell the difference between adequate redundancy and the kind of pseudo-redundancy discussed in the previous paragraph. The certification process has historically had trouble making such judgments. Though there is evidence that the process is improving – and H.R. 811 would improve it further – much improvement is still necessary.

Requiring a paper ballot, on the other hand, is a bright-line rule that is easier to enforce. A bright-line rule will also inspire voter confidence, because compliance will be obvious to every voter.

Testifying at E-Voting Hearing

I’m testifying about the Holt e-voting bill this morning, at a hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on House Administrion, Subcommittee on Elections. I haven’t found a webcast URL, but you can read my written testimony.

Protect E-Voting — Support H.R. 811

After a long fight, we have reached the point where a major e-voting reform bill has a chance to become U.S. law. I’m referring to HR 811, sponsored by my Congressman, Rush Holt, and co-sponsored by many others. After reading the bill carefully, and discussing with students and colleagues the arguments of its supporters and critics, I am convinced that it is a very good bill that deserves our support.

The main provisions of the bill would require e-voting technologies to have a paper ballot that is (a) voter-verified, (b) privacy-preserving, and (c) durable. Paper ballots would be hand-recounted, and compared to the electronic count, at randomly-selected precincts after every election.

The most important decision in writing such a bill is which technologies should be categorically banned. The bill would allow (properly designed) optical scan systems, touch-screen systems with a suitable paper trail, and all-paper systems. Paperless touchscreens and lever machines would be banned.

Some activists have argued that the bill doesn’t go far enough. A few say that all use of computers in voting should be banned. I think that’s a mistake, because it sacrifices the security benefits computers can provide, if they’re used well.

Others argue that touch-screen voting machines should be banned even if they have good paper trails. I think that goes too far. Touchscreens can be a useful part of a good voting system, if they’re used in the right context and with a good paper trail. We shouldn’t let the worst of today’s insecure paperless touchscreens – machines that should never have been certified in the first place, and anyway would be banned by the Holt Bill for lacking a suitable paper ballot – sour us on the better uses of touchscreens that are possible.

One of the best parts of the bill is its random audit requirement, which selects 3% of precincts (or more in close races) at which the paper ballots will be hand counted and compared to the electronic records. This serves two useful purposes: detecting error or fraud that might have affected the election result, and providing a routine quality-control check on the vote-counting process. This part of the bill reflects a balance between the states’ freedom to run their own elections and the national interest in sound election management.

On the whole this is a good, strong bill. I support it, and I urge you to support it too.